California Latinas and Latino Men Are 17 Points Apart on What Matters Most

A UCLA and Berkeley poll found Latinas and Latino men in California 17 points apart on what they want from a governor.

California Latinas and Latino Men Are 17 Points Apart on What Matters Most
Latina voter casting a ballot in California, illustrating the Latino voter gender gap found in a 2026 UCLA poll

Four days before California votes, there is a number worth sitting with: 69 and 52.

Sixty-nine percent of Latina registered voters in California called protecting immigrant communities a very important factor in choosing their next governor. Among Latino men, 52 percent said the same.

That is a seventeen-point gap, and it comes from an analysis the UCLA Latino Policy and Politics Institute and UC Berkeley's Institute of Governmental Studies released on September 10, drawn from 1,912 Latino registered voters surveyed in the May 2026 Berkeley IGS Poll.

The same seventeen points separate Latinas and Latino men on fighting the Trump agenda, 68 percent to 51. On defending democracy and voting rights, the gap narrows to ten, 87 to 77.

G. Cristina Mora, a sociology professor and co-director of IGS at Berkeley and one of the study's authors, put the conclusion plainly: California's Latino registered voters "cannot be understood as a single political constituency."

What Happens When We Look At The Next Generation Latino?

The assumption would be that younger voters, raised in the same country with the same schooling, would land closer together than their parents. The poll found the opposite.

Among Latino voters under 30, 88 percent of Latinas named protecting immigrant communities a very important priority. Among Latino men under 30, 60 percent did. That is twenty-eight points between people who often grew up in the same houses.

On fighting the Trump agenda the under-30 gap is thirty points, 82 to 52. On democracy and voting rights, eighteen.

Whatever is pulling Latinas and Latino men apart, it is not fading with each generation. Among the youngest voters it is roughly twice as wide.

The Differences

Two things, and neither is the one you would guess.

The first is a bachelor's degree. Among Latino voters with a four-year degree, the gender gap falls to four points on immigrant protection, seven on the Trump agenda, and four on democracy. Among voters without one, it runs twenty-two, nineteen and twelve.

The second is Spanish. Among Spanish-dominant voters, Latinas and Latino men are two points apart on both immigrant protection and the Trump agenda. Among English-dominant voters, twenty points apart on both.

Read those two findings together and the shape of the thing changes. The gender divide is not a constant feature of Latino politics. It is concentrated in a specific place: among younger, English-dominant voters without a college degree. Among Spanish-speaking households it is close to nothing.

Why This Matters Past Tuesday

Nicholas Vargas, an associate professor of Chicanx/Latinx Studies at Berkeley and a co-author, noted that as both parties compete for Latino voters, neither should assume Latinas and Latino men respond to the political moment the same way.

For anyone buying media, the practical version is blunter. A Spanish-language campaign reaches a comparatively unified audience. An English-language campaign aimed at U.S.-born Latino voters reaches two audiences with meaningfully different priorities, and one creative will underperform with at least one of them.

For the rest of us, the finding lands somewhere more personal. Most Latinas reading this already know the gap exists. It shows up at the dinner table, in the group chat, in the primo who says he does not do politics. What the poll adds is the measurement, and the surprise that the distance is widest among the youngest.

What The Poll Does Not Say

This is California only. It is the largest Latino electorate in the country, which makes it worth reading closely, but it is not a national verdict.

The fieldwork happened in May. Five months of news sit between the survey and this election, including a 45-day federal immigration enforcement operation reported across the state in October. Attitudes measured in spring may not be attitudes now.

And the release does not publish a margin of error, so none is cited here.

What it does establish is narrower and still useful: on the day they were asked, Latinas and Latino men in California were not weighing the same things when they thought about who should govern them.

California votes November 3 as does the rest of the United States.

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